Showing posts with label Avella. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Avella. Show all posts

Monday, July 13, 2009

Waiting for What Thompson Will Say Specifically about Atlantic Yards

City Comptroller and candidate for mayor, William Thompson, kicked off a five borough tour in Brooklyn Saturday morning. (See our Friday, July 10, 2009, Will Thompson Kick It Off Right In Brooklyn?)
Thompson kept it general about a lot of things: Bloomberg is doing a horrendous job- He, Thompson, would be doing a much better one.

He said the following about development (emphasis supplied):

I am running for mayor because in these difficult times, we need a leader who is on our side. In these difficult times, we need a leader who will move our city forward by ensuring that all New Yorkers, not just the rich, prosper. All of us here today know, for the past eight years Mike Bloomberg has been focused on the people at the top, Wall Street crowd, the developers, the wealthy. Well, let’s be honest: That approach hasn’t gotten us far.

* * * *
[Then, after the obvious freebie criticizing Bloomberg’s abuse of power to overturn term limits . . . ]

Mike Bloomberg might think this city can’t afford to have someone else as mayor but I believe that New York can’t afford another four years of Mike Bloomberg. We can’t afford another four years of a mayor with the wrong priorities. We can’t afford another four years of a mayor who protects the wealthy while making it harder for everyone else to make ends meet. We can’t afford a mayor who give money away to Wall Street instead of investing in small businesses. And in these tough times we can’t afford to make the wrong choices. There is a simple choice in this election: This is a choice between two guys, one who wakes up every day and protects millionaires, fights for developers and giveaways to Wall Street- - And ME, . . . a guy who will get up every day and fight for our hard working families, for parents, for our seniors, for small businesses, for New Yorkers across all five boroughs and for you.
We are waiting because it is obvious that Thompson will soon have to say a lot more and get specific about Atlantic Yards. And as we said when we wrote previously, it should be easy for him to come up with some stiff criticism: The project which was always bad has gotten so much worse.

Meanwhile, a few notes about Saturday morning. Mostly what was important was who was there. (Marty Markowitz was not.)

A lot of people were there. This photo is early when the crowd was still growing.
Two candidates for City Comptroller were there, both Queens City Councilman John Liu and Brooklyn City Councilman David Yassky, both opponents of Atlantic Yards. We wrote about criticisms Mr. Liu expressed about the megadevelopment in June. (See: Sunday, June 7, 2009, A Lambda Night: City Political Candidates and Development (Focusing on Atlantic Yards and Dock Street)) We had a few words with him Saturday about the boondoggle project which he again said really needs to be stopped.
(Mr. Lui in white shirt above.)

Mr. Lui brought troops to Brooklyn.
In addition to taking on the Dock Street project recently, David Yassky has made quite a few appropriately emphatic on-target statements against Atlantic Yards in recent months (See: Wednesday, May 6, 2009, City Council Races (33rd and 39th CDs): Candidates’ Positions on Development and Effective Action They Would Take to Stop Atlantic Yards (Part II).) Mr. Yassky also showed up to speak about Atlantic Yards at the MTA’s meeting the end of June. Like almost all of the elected officials at that meeting, he criticized the MTA’s giveaways to Ratner. He said it undercut the entire case MTA had made when it pleaded that it was short of funds, making for a cynical and disillusioned public.
Another stalwart Atlantic Yards opponent, City Council member Tish James, was there. At least where we were standing it sounded like she got the loudest cheers of everyone whose name was announced from the lectern.

The local City Council candidates are opposed to Atlantic Yards pretty much across the board. Two of them were there.
Jo Anne Simon, candidate for the 33rd District.
And Josh Skaller, candidate for the 39th. We hear that Mr. Skaller is doing very well in his campaign (in terms of signed petitions and fund raising- none from developers) and that his success probably has a lot to do with people’s appreciation of his deeply ingrained opposition to Atlantic Yards.

Also present was Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries, who represents the 57th. Mr. Jeffries was recently busy in the news, questioning city and state development agency staff about:
. . .whether the agency [MTA] was performing its fiduciary duty on behalf of the public and suggested that the term "value engineering" connoted a bailout.
(See: Friday, May 29, 2009, Senate hearing: no tough questions for ESDC; MTA yields on yard; IBO calls arena a loss; arena 2012; raucous AY supporters make for 8/23/06 flashback.)

Anyway, as we said, we will be very interested in hearing what specifically Mr. Thompson has to say about Atlantic Yards. How categorically will he distinguish himself from the Mr. Bloomberg who is not doing a good job as mayor? Tony Avella is Mr. Thompson’s rival candidate for the Democratic nomination. We know how thoroughly opposed Mr. Avella is to Atlantic Yards. We also that the Green party candidate, Billy Talen, (aka Reverend Billy) is wholeheartedly opposed to the mega-project.

Saturday the crowd picked up the chant, “Billy T is for me.” That, by coincidence could also mean “Billy Talen.” But, in Noticing New York’s view, if Mr. Thompson is clearly “for the citizens of New York,” then we think he needs to avoid confusion and make clear statements about what’s wrong with Atlantic Yards and why Bloomberg’s own support of it is wrong.

Friday, July 10, 2009

Will Thompson Kick It Off Right In Brooklyn?

(Image from Bill Thompson, Democrat for Mayor Site- www.thompson2009.com)

Here is some news. Bill Thompson, City Comptroller and candidate for mayor (endorsed by the Working Families Party last night) will be in Brooklyn at Borough Hall tomorrow morning to start a five borough tour.

Brooklyn should perhaps be flattered that Thompson is starting with Brooklyn. Does that bespeak a certain preeminence?

But having started with Brooklyn, will Thompson get the Brooklyn issues right? Will Thompson distinguish himself as the anti-Bloomberg? A real alternative to what everyone doesn’t like about Bloomberg? For instance, what does Thompson think about the Bloomberg administration’s incompetent plan for Coney Island? An even more acid test will be how Mr. Thompson behaves with respect to the much-hated Atlantic Yards mega-boongoggle. Will he have the sense to align himself against the project as all the other local politicians are doing? (See: City Council candidates don't support AY project, May 08, 2009.)

It should be easy for Thompson to come up with some stiff criticism of the Atlantic Yards mega-project now, given the project’s complete degeneration and the recent execrable and easy-to-target multi-mullion dollar giveaways to Forest City Ratner by the self-impoverishing MTA and ESDC.

Yes, Noticing New York, as is its wont, is zeroing in on development issues. Sure, there are other issues of importance but aren’t development issues truly key for the anti-Bloomberg candidates to distinguish themselves from Bloomberg? The other candidates for mayor, Tony Avella and Billy Talen, appreciate this thoroughly. If Thompson doesn’t. . . Forget it, man! Also if he can’t recognize Atlantic Yards as the city’s number one boondoggle then we are really due to be raked over the financial coals if he ever gets elected.

Let’s see what we hear from Mr. Thompson tomorrow.

Here is the information about Thompson’s appearance tomorrow morning (Saturday, July 11):

MAYORAL CANDIDATE BILL THOMPSON TO KICK OFF FIVE BOROUGH TOUR THIS WEEKEND

Bill Thompson will launch a five week citywide tour of the neighborhoods that have been ignored by Mike Bloomberg, on Saturday at 11:30 AM at Brooklyn Borough Hall. Thompson will be joined by a number of supporters including elected officials, community leaders and volunteers

Date: Saturday, July 11, 2009
Time: 11:30 AM
Place: Brooklyn Borough Hall

Tuesday, June 9, 2009

Still No Comment from Speaker Quinn or Any Other of 18 City Council Members Who Put Dock Street Through Committee Last Week

The amazing thing, or the absolutely not so amazing thing (depending upon how you look at this), is that none of the 18 City Council members responsible for approving the Dock Street in committee last week have yet been willing to comment on the School Construction Authority smoking gun e-mails respecting that project. Council members Gioia and Yassky had called for a halt to the project’s approval on the basis of those e-mails which apparently have no acceptable explanation other than that the School Construction Authority, coordinating with the upper ranks of the Bloomberg administration, were improperly manipulating and making false statements to get the project approved. The e-mails also point to a misdirection of public resources to that same end, putting a school where it would not be best to put it.

As noted in our last post on the subject, Noticing New York contacted the office of Speaker Quinn who whipped votes to get the project through for the Bloomberg administration and we contacted each and every Council member who voted in favor of the project last week in City Council committees and asked them for their comment on the School Construction Authority e-mails. So far we have no comment from any of them.

As we said, we would think that if Ms. Quinn is going to whip votes in favor of the Dock Street project she ought to have at least a comment on the smoking gun e-mails that have been in the press about the mayoral level manipulations to get the project approved and give the public less than the benefits it deserves. We also think that if any City Council committee member is going to vote in favor of the project and not to block it as Councilmen Gioia and Yassky said was essential, they should have a comment on these smoking gun e-mails.

Names and Votes of City Council Committee Members: (Again, Those Voting for Project Have Had No Comment)

Here are the votes of the two committees that voted on Dock Street on Thursday. City Council members on the Land Use committee who are also on the Zoning and Franchise committee are indicated in italics. (Everyone on the latter is on the former.) For extra good measure, we have bolded the names of any of Council members who also was among the 29 members who voted to extend the mayor’s term limits.

LAND USE COMMITTEE (17-4):

Tony Avella: no
Charles Barron: no
Eric Gioia: no
John Liu: no

Maria Baez: yes
Maria Arroyo: yes
Leroy Comrie: yes

Elizabeth Crowley: yes
Inez Dickens: yes
Simcha Felder: yes

Daniel Garodnick: yes
Sara Gonzalez: yes
Vincent Ignizio: yes
Robert Jackson: yes
Melinda Katz: yes

Jessica Lappin: yes
Annabel Palma: yes
Joel Rivera: yes
Larry Seabrook: yes
Helen Sears: yes

Albert Vann: yes


ZONING AND FRANCHISES SUBCOMMITTEE (6-2):

Tony Avella: no
Eric Gioa: no

Simcha Felder: yes
Robert Jackson: yes
Melinda Katz: yes
Joel Rivera: yes
Larry Seabrook: yes
Helen Sears: yes


We have some off-the-record and not-for-attribution comment from the offices we contacted that at least some of the Council members who voted for the project under Speaker Quinn’s direction did not feel Speaker Quinn was allowing them the freedom to vote their conscience and side, as would be expected, with Mr. Yassky, the local Council member in whose district the project is. There is also apparently some distress and thinking on the part of Council members who’s votes were whipped that Speaker Quinn would whip votes for the project and then not be willing to comment on the School Construction Authority e-mails.

See our prior posts for the statements of Council members Gioia, Yassky and Avella, all of whom oppose the project.

Prior Posts:

Sunday, June 7, 2009
A Lamda Night: City Political Candidates and Development (Focusing on Atlantic Yards and Dock Street)


Wednesday, June 3, 2009
What’s Up At Dock Street, Really?

Sunday, April 12, 2009

Bloomberg Update: Fire and Ice (Part I)

On Monday, at NYU’s Robert F. Wagner Graduate School for Public Service, Mayor and mayoral candidate Michael R. Bloomberg addressed a large group mostly consisting of individuals from the city’s nonprofit organizations, spending 21 minutes telling them about the ways in which they were going to be getting money from his administration. The title of the address was: “Nonprofits In NYC: Facing the Challenges.” We say “mayoral candidate” Bloomberg because there is no one else campaigning with anywhere near the kind of financial presence of Mr. Bloomberg. Yes, Mr. Bloomberg, the man who became the city’s richest resident while he was mayor, taking his wealth up from about $2 billion to about $20 billion. And it hasn’t yet been two terms. Bloomberg wants a third. During his remarks he joked with casual aplomb about going for a “twelfth term.”

Updates While Looking at the Mayoral Campaign

We are going to use this occasion of the Mayor’s talking to those assembled from the nonprofit community as a chance to talk about the unfolding campaign for mayor and to provide updates to the portrait we painted when looking into the workings of the Bloomberg administration at the beginning of February (Monday, February 2, 2009, The Good News IS the Bad News: Thanks A lot for Mayor Bloomberg’s “Charity.”)

In other words, we will write here about a man of unfathomable wealth who is dedicated to remaining in power and who in the process abuses charities, process and conflicts of interest. Unfathomable wealth? Well you can conclude from what we write further on whether it is possible that Bloomberg is, in fact, so unfathomably wealthy that Bloomberg recently lost $4 billion in personal wealth in a matter of months without the press even noticing when reporting on the subject of the stats of his net worth. In the end, none of this is healthy for the city. We conclude by looking at how the Bloomberg administration’s mismanagement is leaving us with barren salt-sown earth in our urban environment.

The updates here illustrate in a time-microcosm the same concerns we previously wrote about. (For the macrocosm refer to our previous piece.)

Bloomberg Campaign Proceeds Apace Financially With a Ubiquitous Bloomberg Face

Bloomberg’s face is everywhere these days. His campaign advertisements are appearing all over on the back of community newspapers like Chelsea Now. (Click on image.) A Brooklyn Paper story accompanied by Bloomberg’s picture on the front page begins: “Mike Bloomberg wants YOU — to volunteer for his race for a third term. To make it easier, the billionaire mayor opened campaign offices in all five boroughs last weekend . . .” (See: Billionaire Bloomy needs you to volunteer for his campaign, by Gersh Kuntzman, March 30, 2009.)

(Click on images to enlarge, this one from the front page Brooklyn Paper story.)





Bloomberg’s publicists seem to have done good work. If you were riding Amtrack this past month, Bloomberg’s face would have been staring at you from the many covers of Amtrak’s Arrive magazine, slapped onto a story about harnessing wind power that seemed to have very little to do with the expensive high-end picture portraits of Bloomberg incorporated into the magazine.

(BTW: We must acknowledge that in some recently appearing photographs Bloomberg looks pretty good. Is he working out? Losing weight? Are old archived photos being exhumed? Nobody seems to be alleging that he has had any `work done.’)













Bloomberg, Bloomberg everywhere, but you see almost nothing of the opponent candidates. This is partly attributable to the terrific degree to which Bloomberg is outspending his challengers, See the recent New York Times story on the three million his campaign has already acknowledged spending: Bloomberg Spends $3 Million on TV Ads in Mayoral Race, by Michael Barbaro, April 7, 2009.

The $3 million cost of the ads exceeds the combined spending by all of his Democratic rivals since the start of the current election cycle, in 2006.

And it represents nearly half of what the city’s campaign finance laws allow each of his challengers to spend on the race between now and their party’s primary in September.

Without money others may be in the political doldrums, but Bloomberg is pursuing endorsements. He has gotten endorsements from the Independence Party and from the Staten Island Republican Party. The Independence Party’s endorsement is part of a calculated bid to get enough votes to keep its line on the ballot in the future. The fortunes of that party are fading and part of the deal for the party’s endorsement is that “in return for the support. . . that the mayor had offered, among other things, to help pay the costs of promoting him as the party’s candidate.” (See: Bloomberg Is Endorsed by Independence Party, by Fernanda Santos, April 5, 2009.)


Masterful Mayor on Monday

In his remarks on Monday, the mayor, introduced as a “hugely strong supporter of non profits,” did not, for the most part, say that nonprofits were going to get more money from the city. He spent his time talking about the procedural details of the nonprofits continuing to get the money they are already getting. Apparently, there will be less paperwork and procedures will be streamlined and brought up to date with more computer- and web-based support mechanics. (The city also stands ready to help nonprofits save money by conserving energy, group purchasing, and taking advice from the city on better management.) The mayor also did not mention his own substantial private flow of funds to nonprofits.

The mayor’s remarks were masterfully delivered. He seemed supremely confident. We thought about this. To us it seemed the confidence of someone totally in control and who intends to give up none of that control. After his remarks the Mayor sauntered off the stage and an announcement was made on his behalf that he was leaving because he `had no time to answer questions.’

FIRE and ICE

Clearly focused upon on Monday was the new importance of “ICE.” ICE is what we are going to get in the winter of our discontent now that our FIRE is sputtering out. Expect to hear a lot more about it. (For instance: Wednesday, March 11, 2009, With Houses Divided And Revenue Reduced, How Can Legislature Agree on Any Budget? By Henry J. Stern, March 10, 2009)

FIRE, standing for “Finance, Insurance and Real Estate,” is that sector of the economy that has always most preoccupied Bloomberg. It is that sector of the economy where he made his money. It is that sector for which he primarily envisioned building. It is that sector of the economy that, with bubble economics, was driving other sectors out of existence in New York. And now that the bubbles have burst we, as a city, have found ourselves in the lurch. Now we are hearing a new term used to talk about that sector of the economy that is expected to pick up the slack, ICE for “Information, Culture and Education” (or, alternately, until a consensus develops, “Intellectual, Cultural and Educational.”) Other cities that were not so tied to FIRE, cities like Savannah, knew about ICE a long time ago even if it had not yet been so christened. For NYC residents it is just beginning to be talked up, but this has always been an important part of our economy, especially since it includes science, health care and medical schools.

There is also the very peculiar way that the real estate industry has always valued culture, as in “artists.” Artists are viewed as the vanguard that create value in transforming neighborhoods though they then get kicked out when they are out-bid by higher-paid FIRE arrivals.- That’s grist for further rumination to discuss in another article at another time.

Reference to ICE was made in the introduction by New York University President John Sexton that prefaced the mayor’s remarks. Mr. Sexton took responsibility for coming up with the term “ICE.” We think we can recognize an advertising campaign when we hear one, political or not. Not only do we come from a family that included a good many advertising professionals but our aunt, Kay Daly, is credited with coming up with the original Revlon “Fire and Ice” campaign of the `50s, renowned in advertising circles. (See: Fire and Ice, by Andrew Tobias.)



Cold and Clammy Thoughts About ICE

It is not that in paying attention to the ICE sector Bloomberg is switching his attention to something he has never heeded before. The sector is filled with nonprofits and, going back to a time not long before he first ran for mayor, he started making “charitable” contributions to a vast number of institutions in the sector. At last report there were 1,221 recipient groups showing up in his 2008 tax return and that probably leaves out many others receiving his “largesse” via other means, such as the taxpayer-financed gifts from the city or the Mayor’s Fund charity, controlled through City Hall.

It is actually pretty scary to think that FIRE and ICE are considered the two major sectors of the economy and that Bloomberg’s ties to each are so significant. Our wealthiest resident privately does business with most of the firms in the FIRE economy while simultaneously dispensing critical discretionary City Hall favors throughout that sector. That is not to say that Bloomberg doesn’t also do business with many in the ICE sector. The largest nonprofits have substantial endowments to invest and it also seems to be increasingly fashionable for the large nonprofits to think in terms of making killings in real estate. That seems a temptingly easier path to funds than pursuing their missions in more traditional ways. (See: Nonprofits Look for Cash, ‘Salvation' in Real Estate, by Michael Stoler, March 8, 2007 and How Real Estate Bolsters Nonprofits, By by Michael Stoler, May 10, 2007)

Hot and Cold

There is the famous Aesop’s fable of the Shepherd and the Satyr from which comes the phrase to “blow hot and cold in the same breath.” The fable is a tad more enigmatic than some other of Aesop's, founding its inexplicability upon the foreignness of two creatures, one of them mythical, each hailing from a different world. (Notably, the mythical creature, the satyr, has the higher standards while the human, is just, well, just human.) The fable can leave some room for how it is interpreted but most often it is considered to refer to a man who cannot be trusted. It is not the same thing as “running hot and cold” which refers only to simple vacillation. Instead it bespeaks an untrustworthiness born of a devious duality of purpose. What that duality involves or how it problematically undermines the hope of depending on someone to act in accord with a declared purpose is left to be fleshed out by the specific situation when the phrase is applied.

We point out the aptness when, dealing with FIRE and ICE, of applying the “blows hot and cold in the same breath” phrase to Bloomberg who, in the case of both sectors, has a substantial dualities of purpose. He governs the FIRE sector while making his living from it. When it comes to the ICE sector, anyone who receives the “gift” of his “charity,” as we will discuss further, should wonder about the extent to which it should actually be considered a “gift.”

When it comes to Bloomberg, we find ourselves with the satyr, we “will have nought to do with a man who can blow hot and cold with the same breath."

What Did Bloomberg Need to Say to Get His Campaign Message Across With ICE?

We thought it was interesting what the mayor did not have to say on Monday, starting with what we observed about how what he was saying was not about giving the nonprofits MORE of the city’s taxpayer money that flows through the Bloomberg administration. It was sufficient for campaign purposes for Mr. Bloomberg to focus only on the “procedures” by which members of the assembled audience would get money. The mayor never mentioned the funds that he personally gives out (actually or potentially) to these same organizations. Did he need to? Consider this: It was featured news at this initiative-announcement/press conference/campaign event that “returnable” money or possible temporary bridge loans from the city were being increased by $12 million. It was the dollar figure mentioned in terms of new funds being made available. Compared with that, Bloomberg privately is now the source of $235 million or more per year in funds that can be kept as “gifts” and not returned.

Here is what the handout said about the funds for “short-term” use:

The city will more than double the size of the New York City Returnable Grant Fund from $8 million to $20 million- a 150 percent increase - for the next two fiscal years.

(See also, Bloomberg Outlines Initiatives to Assist Nonprofits, 07 April 2009.)


Mr. Bloomberg concluded his remarks by conspicuously informing all of the nonprofit community guests assembled that their point person on dealing with his administration on funding should be First Deputy Mayor Patricia Harris. We have previously written about Ms. Harris (see again: Monday, February 2, 2009, The Good News IS the Bad News: Thanks A lot for Mayor Bloomberg’s “Charity.”) and we have more to say here. Ms. Harris, who came with Mr. Bloomberg from his private sector operations, seems to have problems understanding conflicts of interest and seems to be in the thick of some very disconcerting qui pro quo-ing. Her responsibilities overlap some dangerous areas of concern: charities and big real estate.

Devoiding the Field of Alternatives to Bloomberg

We would hope that checks on the power of Bloomberg as the city’s wealthiest resident would include alternative mayoral candidates with viable campaigns to run against the mayor. There are candidates, but their numbers are declining. Those that exist are having problems raising the funds necessary for the public to find out about them, funds they also need to have good campaign staff and support. More on this later. First, some explanation why.

Mayor’s Abuse of Charities to Deprive Opponents of Political Funding

We previously wrote about how Bloomberg leveraged his “charitable” contributions for political purposes. We wrote about phone calls from high up in the Bloomberg administration scolding the recipients of Bloomberg “charity” for providing financial support to Bloomberg’s political adversaries. (See: Monday, February 2, 2009, The Good News IS the Bad News: Thanks A lot for Mayor Bloomberg’s “Charity.”)

Such high-level discouragement of financial support for his political opponents came from the same deputy mayor, Patricia Harris, entrusted simultaneously with responsibilities for Bloomberg’s“charitable” largesse and overseeing important city and City Hall-influenced decisions significantly affecting the economics of big-developer real estate deals. When last we wrote, we cited the New York Times. Here, as a supplement, is a link to an Observer article we missed that is about the Bloomberg City Hall administration’s use the “charities” to discourage contributing the mayor's political opponents. (See: A Deputy Mayor Hits Culturati On Giff Giving, by Lizzie Ratner and Ben Smith, May 30, 2004.) Yes, that article focuses on First Deputy Mayor Patricia Harris (“Pattie Harris”).

The Observer article covered, if allegations are to be believed, multiple contacts by Ms. Harris. Since essentially the same reported language was used in the case of the two of the three situations where the reporters talked directly to individuals threatened, it is likely Ms. Harris was working from what was essentially a script to make a comprehensively orchestrated set of contacts. Support for Bloomberg’s opponent (Gifford Miller) was viewed as “unfriendly or disloyal" “anybody who donates to Gifford is going to be viewed as disloyal" and “ the Mayor wasn't happy.” (General background: There has also been an article in the New York Post publicly reporting that the mayor was ‘livid’ with those on the list of contributors to Miller.)

Bloomberg administration spokesman, William Cunningham, defended rather than denied the allegations:

He said there was nothing inappropriate in the deputy mayor's questions. "You have a right to ask a question, 'Did you really give money to someone who's working against us? We've been with you for years,'"
Apparently, the implied threat aspect of this (technically denied by Mr. Cunningham) applied both to Bloomberg’s private charitable funding going back for years as referred to above and also, according to those recipients speaking to the reporters, to public funding over which Bloomberg (and Deputy Mayor Harris) did not start exercising control until he assumed the office of mayor in January 2002.

In the article, Gene Russianoff, a senior attorney with the New York Public Interest Research Group, commented:

Ms. Harris' conversations with the Miller contributors could "chill contributions" to Mr. Bloomberg's opponents. "If true, it's inherently coercive for a government employee to be doing that," he said. The City Charter bars deputy mayors from soliciting political contributions, but contains no explicit prohibition on their discouraging contributions to others.
Personally, we doubt such activities by the Bloomberg administration do not transgress the line of what is legally permissible. (In spring 2004, still preoccupied by 9/11, we think that Bloomberg was still in an unexamined honeymoon period with the press.) If the law actually permits Bloomberg such latitude then the problem is that the law is not strict enough. Remember that we are talking about the man who is currently, far and away, the city’s wealthiest citizen who by virtue of being mayor also controls extraordinary public funding. Mr. Russianoff was not clear that Bloomberg was legally home safe with respect to his conduct. His comment extended to include this:

However, the city's Conflicts of Interest Board has been known to censure officials who violate the spirit of the charter's rules.
Given the above we wondered exactly what was meant when we read that the Bloomberg’s Deputy Mayor Edward Skyler, in charge of administration, threatened city’s comptroller, William C. Thompson Jr., a candidate running for mayor against Bloomberg, with “the Gifford [Miller] treatment.” (See: Mayor Trusts Youngest Deputy to Run the City, by Michael Barbaro, April 9, 2009.) It is not clear form the context of this recent Times story what that threat was intended to mean, but however it was intended one must also wonder how it was interpreted by the recipient.

No Rescue in the Times?

While the New York Times has reported on Bloomberg’s abuse of charities for political purposes as front page news, the Times has not yet editorialized directly against it. The Times editorial page nevertheless appears to be very well able to perceive the critical importance of keeping politics and charity separate and has called for appropriate conduct characterizing the following as one in a list of “stunners”:

For more than 50 years, it has been against the law for charities to contribute to politicians. This news appears not to have reached Albany. Danny Hakim and Jeremy Peters recently reported in The Times about how more than 80 tax-exempt charities have been doling out money to helpful state politicians.

Some of the charities said they simply “goofed,” even though they appear to have received favors from politicians they supported. Charities should know better; the illegal money, meanwhile, should be returned.
(See the editorial: Albany Syndrome, March 20, 2009 and see also the story to which it referred: Charities Give to State Campaigns, Despite Law, by Danny Hakim and Jeremy W. Peters, March 16, 2009.)

Speaking in general terms, the concerns the Times editorial confronted involved quid pro quo exchanges between politicians and charities wherein a charity forsakes its obligation to benefit the public in a nonpolitical, neutral fashion. When charities abandon their obligation to benefit the public nonpolitically and neutrally as a result of such quid pro quo exchanges, there is an amplification of concern because, with special privileges to avoid taxes, the quid pro quo exchanges can have disproportionately large economic impacts. This applies to the Bloomberg situations as well.

The Times editorial which had a few other complaints about conduct and failure to clean house in New York bemoaned: “The news from Albany these days is filled with evidence of dysfunction and allegations of full-blown illegality.” But if the New York Times as the paper of record presides over dysfunctional politics in New York perhaps it bears much of the responsibility itself by not reporting what it should and by not calling for appropriate conduct as and when it should.

We have previously pointed out that by prematurely supporting a third term for Bloomberg in ill-considered fashion, the Times editorial page is now often in the feckless position of calling for better conduct from Bloomberg after the fact. (See: Saturday, November 15, 2008, The Mayor, The Times’ Timing, and a Proper Ordering.) We have been accumulating a growing list of such too-late editorials chasing after the mayor. If the New York Times ever does editorialize against Bloombergian abuse of charities it seems we will just have to add that editorial to the list.

Might It Be Goose and Gander With Ms. Harris?

If charities are abused this way by Ms. Harris to downwardly manipulate contributions to Bloomberg opponents, we must necessarily speculate about how impartially Ms. Harris handles City Hall’s ability to make discretionary decisions with respect to large real estate projects since this is also a responsibility assigned to her purview. We view it as problem that so much of local New York City politics is funded by the political contributions of real estate developers. We view it as a problem, but is nonetheless a reality that such political contributions sort of set the bar in terms of what people expect. People have come to expect the well-funded well-staffed kind of campaigns they see when campaigns are taking money from real estate developers. But if Ms. Harris can dissuade real estate developers from making contributions to Bloomberg’s opponents, then you won’t see them running those kinds of campaigns.

Other Mayoral Candidates: Those Who Are NOT Taking Contributions From Real Estate Developers

One of the candidates running against Bloomberg, City Councilman Tony Avella, is not going to have the problem of Bloomberg or Patricia Harris dissuading real estate developers from making contributions to his opposition campaign. Candidate Avella does not take contributions from real estate developers. He made this point at the March 7, 2009 15th annual Historic Districts Council (HDC) conference, Communities and Cornices: Preservation in a Political World, where all the mayoral candidates were invited to speak. (Mr. Bloomberg didn’t avail himself of the invitation and Comptroller William Thompson also did not come.) We were there. In the Q&A session, after Mr. Avella made the point that he was the only major candidate to that didn’t accept contributions from real estate developers except for Mr. Bloomberg, we corrected Mr. Avella: We pointed out that Mr. Bloomberg essentially does take political contributions from real estate developers since Bloomberg causes real estate developers to contribute to charities he designates and he then uses those charities for political purposes. (See: Monday, October 20, 2008, “Charity?” We Begin to Groan.)

There is another candidate who is not taking money from developers, Billy Talen, better known as Reverend Billy.

Tony Avella can run a campaign on the merits, pointing out the fact that he is consistently on the right side when it comes to development issues. He is on the right side even when that means taking a lonely position and he is on the right side of other important issues such as opposing the repeal of term limits in the fashion it was done. While he can run a campaign based on these merits, he is not running a very well-financed campaign and that probably causes many to judge him as running what looks like a campaign that could be higher profile and better run.

Reverend Billy’s core positions are probably not so different than Councilman Avella’s. He is a robust critic of the venality in the real estate industry. We hope that Reverend Billy can make up for, with showmanship, what must also be a very small campaign purse.

Other Candidates in the Somewhat Devoided Field of Alternatives to Bloomberg

The other candidates running against Bloomberg were Anthony Weiner and William C. Thompson.

As noted, William C. Thompson, City Comptroller and the candidate viewed as the strongest opponent to Bloomberg, didn’t speak at the HDC conference.

Mr. Weiner spoke earnestly, addressing himself to preservation issues, but he left without a Q&A session. This was ascribed to a lack of time, but we wondered whether it should be attributed to an unease about whether the audience would be friendly. Among other things, it has been predicted that Mr. Weiner would, as mayor, be on the wrong side when it came to preserving a viable Coney Island amusement park.

More on our mind when Mr. Weiner spoke was the predication we had heard that he was about to drop out of the race. We were told by people apparently in the political know that he would drop out because Senator Schumer was telling him to, telling him it was not his time (and perhaps clearing the way for Bloomberg?). We can’t vouch for the accuracy of what we were told, but only a few days later Mr. Weiner did drop out as predicted.

(For other reporting on the candidates’ remarks at the conference see: Saturday, April 11, 2009, A few mayoral candidates (but not the big two) on historic preservation, plus more from the HDC conference.)

No Strong or Real Choice in the Field of Candidates?

The New York Times described Mr. Weiner’s dropping out more technically as a “move to the sidelines” since Mr. Weiner said he could possibly resume his campaign months from now. (See: Political Memo: Bloomberg and the Incredible Shrinking Mayor’s Race, by Michael Barbaro, March 13, 2009.)

One thing Mr. Weiner did very well when he was running was to speak eloquently against the way the mayor maneuvered to extend term limits against the public’s wishes. The above Times article begins by pointing out:

It was a central argument by Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg for re-engineering the city’s term limits law last year: Allowing him to seek re-election would give voters a bigger pool of candidates from which to choose . . .

“If anything, the public has more choice because there will be more candidates, at least one more in the mayor’s race,” he [Bloomberg] said the day after the City Council voted to rewrite the rule.
It then notes that choice was, instead, eliminated:

“We now know what Bloomberg meant when he said ‘choice’ — he meant himself,” said Bruce F. Berg, chairman of the political science department at Fordham University.

Rewriting term limits, Mr. Berg said, “has stifled choice. And if Thompson drops out, he may well have eliminated choice.”
An aid to a Republican interested in getting into the race:

. . . expressed bewilderment over Mr. Bloomberg’s contention that altering the term limits would create a wider pool of candidates. “Historically, in any race, you will see more candidates when it’s an open seat than when there is an incumbent,” he said.
The article concludes:

“The power of the mayor’s incumbency, coupled with the power of his money, makes a smart politician think, ‘Maybe I should take a pass on this,’ said Steven A. Cohen, a professor of public affairs at Columbia University.
And Bloomberg clearly wants the field to himself. This week a story has come out about Bloomberg’s fervor to eliminate Weiner as opposition even as Weiner was dropping out of the race. According to the Times, Mr. Bloomberg commissioned a telephone poll last month that spread derogatory information about Weiner. (See: ‘Survey’ Calls Attack Bloomberg Rival, by Raymond Hernandez, April 6, 2009.)

Speaking of the calls which were confirmed to be part of Bloomberg’s campaign:

One of the Congressman’s [Weiner’s] aides said that the calls seemed suspiciously like push-polling — a technique disavowed by reputable pollsters in which phone calls disguised as survey research are used to spread negative information about an opponent.

Joel Benenson, a senior campaign adviser to Mr. Weiner, described push-polling as “one of the most discredited and dishonorable forms of negative campaigning.”
Back to the article, “Bloomberg and the Incredible Shrinking Mayor’s Race,” we think it incorrectly experiments with giving Bloomberg credit, aside and apart from his money, for being the currently more popular candidate. It does so by offering a side-by-side comparison of Mr. Bloomberg to Governor Corzine of New Jersey:

Money alone does not explain his popularity, they said, even if it helps. After all, in New Jersey, another wealthy businessman-turned-politician, Gov. Jon S. Corzine, faces an uphill re-election race, no matter how much he is willing to spend on a campaign.

But Mr. Bloomberg’s popularity ratings, which dropped to the low 50s in February after being in the 60s last year, are higher than Mr. Corzine’s.

From this the article infers the Bloomberg may have governed better than Corzine. Comparison to Corzine is a worthwhile exercise, but is should be done with the proper rigor.

Yes, Corzine spent heavily on his own campaign, but Corzine’s wealth is measured in mere millions. Corzine’s total net worth is less than half of what Bloomberg “gives” away every year to “charity.” Bloomberg’s charitable giving is used to manipulate politics and public opinion, so Corzine’s total net worth is way below what Bloomberg spends on such manipulations each year.

Bloomberg has ongoing personal business affairs that routinely create conflicts of interest while he is stockpiling astronomical wealth. Bloomberg fails to recuse himself when he should. Corzine simply has no such comparable conflicts of interest.

To compare Bloomberg’s billions to Corzine’s paltry millions is simply to illustrate that you have seriously lost track of how outsized and beyond most people’s comprehension of Bloomberg’s wealth actually is.

Losing track of Bloomberg’s Incomprehensible Wealth: And Did Bloomberg Lose $4 Billion?

Here is an example of just how blithely inept we are at keeping track of Bloomberg’s wealth. The Times ran an article in March saying that Forbes was reporting that Bloomberg’s wealth went up this year- - to $16 billion. (World’s Richest Aren’t So Rich Anymore, Forbes Says, March 12, 2009.) It reported that to be a $4.5 billion dollar increase in Bloomberg’s net worth but, if it had been keeping track, it could likely have reported a $4 billion loss instead.

Indeed, in March as part of listing of the world’s richest men, Forbes did report Bloomberg’s wealth as $16 billion making him the 17th most wealthy man in the world. But only six months before in September of 2008 as part of listing of America’s richest individuals, Forbes reported Bloomberg’s wealth as $20 billion, making him the wealthiest New Yorker and the 8th most wealthy U.S. citizen at that time. (As of March he was the 5th wealthiest person in the country.) So when the Times reported his wealth was going UP despite hard economic times, did they miss what was actually a decline in the last six moths? The Forbes article did say that those whose wealth had declined only 20% in the past year were doing well. That may or may not apply to Bloomberg since the basis for setting the figure for his wealth at $20 million was only established in July so the decline is not for a full year.

There are plenty of possible reasons for Bloomberg’s wealth as reported in Forbes to have gone down and plenty of questions to be asked in connection with them. Did Forbes quietly evaluate the wealth of a campaigning mayor more conservatively? Or did Bloomberg actually start losing billions at a good clip just recently? $4 billion in six month loss would annualize to $8 billion over a year, something on the order of 40% or double the loss that would put Bloomberg in the lucky category in this downturn. That would comport well with the idea Bloomberg didn’t see this financial crisis coming and that he isn’t a financial genius.

We don’t know the answers that explain it, but we don’t even see anyone asking the questions. Has anyone besides us actually noticed that Bloomberg’s wealth figure went down? Is Bloomberg’s wealth now so stratospherically beyond our comprehension that noticing this eludes us? The Post and the even the Wall Street Journal simply reported the March story the way the Times did, as if Forbes was reporting another increase in Bloomberg’s wealth rather than a $4 billion decline. (See: Bloomberg Is the Richest Man in NYC: Mayor Raking it in - but Nobody Else is, by Kirsten Fleming, March 11, 2009 and, The Wealth report: These Billionaires Actually Got Richer in 2008, by Robert Frank, March 16, 2009.)

For our own quick reference with collected figures tracking Bloomberg’s wealth see: Bloomberg’s Increasing Annual Wealth: 1996 to 2008 (Tuesday, February 3, 2009). (We need to do an update to show that most recent Forbes reported decrease.)

(Click here to continue to Part II of this article.)

Saturday, March 14, 2009

At the City Planning Commission Hearings on Proposed Dock Street Project: A Reprise

(Click on any image to enlarge.)

At last week’s City Planning Commission hearings we reprised our Noticing New York testimony on the proposed Dock Street project that would put a building of substantial height and bulk next to the Brooklyn Bridge in the Brooklyn neighborhood of DUMBO. Previously we testified on the subject at the hearing Marty Markowitz held as Brooklyn Borough President. (See: Wednesday, February 4, 2009, Reject the “Bundle” Bungle: Saying “No” to Walentas Dock Street Project Next to the Brooklyn Bridge.)


Our Reprise

Our testimony this time was essentially the same as last time, confining itself to the error of bundling approval of the project with the community’s opportunity to get a new school. This time, however, we had the opportunity to also attach to our handed-in written statement, a copy of our above referenced post which, not being subject to the three-minute oral testimony limit, provided additional analysis about how the Brooklyn Bridge should be revered as special while the Dock Street developer should not be made special, and made the case that the Brooklyn Heights Association’s opinion that a new school should go elsewhere is probably correct.

Others Reprise

Others also similarly reprised their testimony. Testimony in opposition to the project predominated.

The key new element in play at this Wednesday, March 4 hearing was that the preceding week at the Brooklyn Heights Association’s annual meeting, held Thursday, February 26, the Brooklyn Borough President revealed his recommendation for a proposed compromise. His suggestion was for a taller, skinnier tower which he said would “reduce 57 percent of its girth.” (See: Marty: Yes on Dock Street (sort of), By Ben Muessig, The Brooklyn Paper.)


We wondered whether Markowitz’s “compromise” was an example of what we see as the increasingly ubiquitous politicians’ dance, with politicians inevitably providing support for special projects but only after there has been a reduction from what a developer has requested. Accordingly, these dances always seems to be initiated with developers requesting more than they reasonably expect, sometimes with conspicuously awful proposals up front that allows the politicians to heroically claim credit for forcing a subsequent cut-back.

We wondered about this all the more because at the Brooklyn Heights Association meeting Borough President Markowitz specifically said that his approval had not been influenced by the proposed inclusion of a new middle school, which he said had to stand alone as a separate decision he couldn’t comment upon. He thereby directly addressed our Noticing New York testimony given at the hearing he held. But if he was not being influenced by the school’s inclusion, why was he now favoring a project that was otherwise so substantially similar to a prior edition of that project which he had rejected?


(Building rejected in 2004.)

There was a certain element of suspense to the hearings because the borough president’s proposed compromise had been released such a short time before the commission’s hearing. Our suspicion that this was a political Kabuki dance was challenged (though perhaps not refuted) by the negative reactions it received. The Brooklyn Paper observed that the proposed compromise united everyone, developer included, in opposition. (See: March 5, 2009, Marty’s taller Dock Street tower unites everyone — against it, By Ben Muessig, The Brooklyn Paper.) It may have generated negative reactions, but by proposing a compromise the borough president did something less than oppose the project outright.

Others Testifying


We were pleased to see that City Councilman (and candidate for Mayor) Tony Avella testified eloquently against the project and the travesty of obliterating views of the bridge. You can expect Mr. Avella to be dependably on the right side in so many issue like this.


City Councilman (and candidate for Comptroller) David Yassky also testified against the project mentioning that there were better places to put the proposed school.

Models and Renderings (& the Battle Between Them)


(Jed Walentas of Two Trees Management showing the CPC commissioners the developer’s model of the project.)

A model of the project in the DUMBO neighborhood brought to the hearing by the developer was discussed, as were renderings brought by representatives of the DUMBO neighborhood Association (see the rendering behind Mr. Yassky in the photo where he is testifying). The question arose as to whether they showed the same thing and specifically whether the renderings provided by the DUMBO Neighborhood Association were fair. We think they were fair based on photos we took of the developer’s model that essentially duplicated the DNA renderings. We refer you to the picture of the model at the beginning of this post as it compares to the rendering behind Mr. Yassky. We could not precisely duplicate the image because we could not get the camera to a postion as low as the level of pedestrian walkway and could not get the lens of the camera as close to the model of the proposed project as a person standing on the walkway would be. If we had been able to, the new proposed structure would loom larger in the photograph with more stories below the rooftop being visible. When we were taking pictures of the model, a representative of the developer was suggesting that how many floors of the building can be counted is important.


Raising our camera up it was clear that the new building was blocking views of the same Manhattan Bridge tower and buildings as shown in the before-and-after DNA renderings.


The Argument in Context: It’s About Seeing the Bridge

The community’s argument is that they want to continue to be able to see the Brooklyn Bridge and to see a sweep of historic Brooklyn from the bridge. The suggestion is that there should be preservation of a bowl-shaped view such as now exists with low buildings close to the bridge and taller buildings farther away. The developer’s arguments dispense with these desires and argue that his new building should be considered a contextual addition to the historic neighborhood if it is of comparable height to buildings which, because they are substantially farther away, do not crowd the bridge.



Predicting the Outcome: Some Indicators Including Strange Coincidences

Can the outcome be predicted? On one side, opposing the project you have Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award winning, historian David McCullough, author of The Great Bridge: The Epic Story of the Building of the Brooklyn Bridge, standing together with virtually every recognized neighborhood and historic organization from the national level on down to the local level. The only exception is that the Pratt Institute did not take the postion in opposition to this project that one would normally be expect them to take.

The project’s opposition explained away the anomalous Pratt postion, pointing out that: 1.) David C. Walentas ownern of Two Trees Management Co., LLC, who is developing the project with his son Jed, is on the board at Pratt, and 2.) Mr. Walentas has donated money to Pratt. (It makes a lot of sense for Mr. Walentas to be on the board at Pratt. We have said before that the Walentases are, this proposal notwithstanding, good developers.)

There are few icons like the Brooklyn Bridge, and the alliance of luminaries like McCullough and all the heavy-hitting premier historic organizations should, under normal circumstances, predict success for the opposition. On the other hand, there are some competing indicators. When it comes to politics a good guiding axiom is that “there are no such things as coincidences.” Maybe coincidences do exist, but in politics you are better off assuming that anything that looks like a coincidence is not.

The following coincidences are therefore unnerving. The School Construction Authority until recently used to say that the neighborhood did not need a new middle school. Now the School Construction Authority has suddenly backed the idea that there should be a new school in precisely this spot and precisely in this building. Next, testimony at the hearing by Historic Districts Council President Paul Graziano made clear, with the use of a map, that while there is a confluence of designated landmarks and historic districts where the project is proposed to go, there is also an ominous hole in their contiguity that surrounds the project site. Creating such an absence of historic designation takes a certain amount of political artistry.


The hole is even more apparent when you remember that the Brooklyn Bridge is itself an individual landmark and that the presence of the new Brooklyn Bridge Park means that the historic landmarks and districts where they otherwise don’t continue abut parkland.


(Green above shows park areas.)

We have previously pointed out how this kind of gerrymandering by the Landmarks Preservation Commission should be regarded as jigsaw piece clues to political deals. The last time we wrote about this was about the failure to preserve the Ward Bakery and its block being cleared for Atlantic Yards. (See: Wednesday, October 29, 2008, Puzzle Pieces: Proposed Prospect Heights Historic District, LPC Public Hearing.)



It is not easy to get the School Construction Authority to specially designate developers’ projects or the Landmarks Preservation Commission to create special holes in the weave of historic designation fabrics. You can expect these things to come from the mayor. And if you have any doubt about this ominous likelihood, we have already pointed out that City Council Speaker Quinn, the mayor’s close ally on development issues, has already tipped her hand (the mayor’s hand) by making “glowing comments” about the Dock Street project. (See: our Monday, February 23, 2009, Un-funny Valentines Arriving Late: Your Community Interests at Heart and Brownstoners’ February 12, 2009, Speaker Quinn Bears Bad News for Real Estate Crowd.)


So, predictions anyone? David McCullough and the powers of light and enlightenment on one side and some interesting political “coincidences” on the other.

(Picture from Save the Brooklyn Bridge.)

Thursday, December 4, 2008

Will It Come? What the Bloomberg Administration Wills at Willets Point (Part IV)


(Continued from Part III)

Where the City Council Once Stood on the Bloomberg Administration’s Plan

On April 21, 2008, a majority of the New York City Council's members, 29 out of 51 City Council members not including Bloomberg’s ally, Speaker Quinn, expressed their "adamant opposition" to the proposed Willets Point redevelopment in writing to Robert Lieber, New York City Deputy Mayor for Economic Development. The opposition was led by City Councilman for the area, Hiram Monserrat. (Council Declares Willets Point Plan DOA, April 21, 2008.)

In August, even more City Council members (32 eventually) signed a letter strengthened by its statement of a principled stand against the use of eminent domain in the area:

A day before a City Planning Commission hearing on the Bloomberg administration’s plan to remake Willets Point, a majority of City Council members sent a sharply-worded letter to the planning commissioner opposing the project.

In the letter to Commissioner Amanda Burden, 30 council members say they are in “absolute opposition” to the current proposal to redevelop Willets Point, citing concerns over eminent domain, affordable housing, displaced workers and traffic.

“Unfortunately, this is a product of a flawed process that has continuously ignored the requests of the community in pursuit of a top-down planning process that sets a dangerous precedent for large-scale development projects citywide,” the council members wrote in the letter.
...

The signature drive was organized by the affordable housing group NY Acorn and is the second time in the last four months it has organized a majority of council members to write to a city official opposing Willets Point. Twenty-nine council members sent a similar letter to Deputy Mayor Robert Lieber in April.

This time, the council members say they will not support the plan unless eminent domain is taken off the table in negotiations with landowners; half of the 5,500 housing units are guaranteed to be affordable; a comprehensive relocation and compensation plan for small business owners and employees is put in place; and a community benefits agreement that includes traffic mitigation is implemented.
(See:, City Council members blast Willets Pt. plan, by Daniel Massey, Crain's NY Business, August 12, 2008.)

No Land Grab’s Prescience on ACORN

In passing along an extract of the Crain’s article above, No Land Grab presciently commented as follows:
. . .we have to admit we're curious about ACORN's role. Sure, their interest in the affordable housing makes sense, but based on their track record with Atlantic Yards, we have a hard time believing that they give a hoot about the use of eminent domain. Left to ACORN, that would surely be a bargaining chip happily traded for a richer mix of affordable units.
(See: No Land Grab, August 12, 2008)

Come this November the City Council voted to support a city administration plan that will use eminent domain. As No Land Grab predicted ACORN swung over to support the plan. Though the plan calls for eminent domain actually to be used, it is important to remember that the threat of eminent domain, which is very little different, has been already used by the city in negotiating deals it has reached to oust owners thus far.

Principle for Principle’s Sake or for the Sake of Haggling

There is a value to adhering to principle for principle's sake. Principles should only give ground to competing principles. Otherwise the abandonment of principle tends to leave things confused. It is often illustrated with a famous little anecdote supposed to have involved remarks variously ascribed to the wit of George Bernard Shaw, Winston Churchill or W. C. Fields. Whomever it was, the wit is supposed to have asked his female dinner companion if, for a million pound/dollars, she would sleep with him. The woman indicates her willingness to assent to the proposition. “For five pounds/dollars?” he follows up. “What do you take me for?”replies the woman aghast. The wit responds, “We have established what you are, madam. We are now merely haggling over the price.”

When the City Council opposed the use of eminent domain at Willets Point they did so enunciating a principle. The City Council did not set this principle aside because it succumbed in the face of another principle, they set it aside because in the end they were apparently only haggling over a price as we shall discuss.

The Value of Opposing Eminent Domain Abuse on Principle: Adam Smith’s Guiding Invisible hand vs. the City’s Hidden Hand of Developer Relationships

There are reasons to vigorously oppose eminent domain abuse based on principle. It ensures equity and justice. By promoting just compensation neutrally negotiated in the market place, it assures that Adam Smith’s invisible hand will help guide things. Using eminent domain in New York, especially with this city administration, removes matters from the impartial guidance of that invisible hand. The hands into which matters are delivered are those of government that work unseen in another sense because a lack of transparency obscures what they do. Aside from fictional negotiating positions, there is the promotion of agenda which have to be questioned due to problematically close relations the administration has with big developers. (See: Wednesday, October 22, 2008, Are the Atlantic Yards Land Grab and City Official Fraud Being Used to Finance Bloomberg’s Bid for Billionaire Term Limit Exceptionalism?)


The Price Placed on Principle Was Not High

When the haggling was all over, what was the price that the City Council, and ACORN associated with it, considered acceptable such that the opposition to eminent domain abuse should not prevail? Did an important principle and the Willets Point businesses get abandoned for a high or low price? The Willet Point redevelopment is a mixed-use development. Part of it will be residential. The idea that an extra 15% of the residential units that will be set aside for higher income families making less than 130 percent of the city’s median income does not seem as if the City Council and ACORN held out for a substantial price. We are looking at two thousand jobs lost in exchange for just a few apartments for a few above-average-income families. The apartments are perhaps not so different from units the market might have provided anyway. The skimpy sell-out is a reminder to beware should eminent domain ever be headed your way.

ACORN’s Eagerness to Broker Deals: a Poor Ally That Sells out the Community Too Fast

ACORN is supposed to be representing the interests of low-income working people. In theory they should care about the jobs of those currently working in Willets Point. We have noted in prior writing that ACORN does not seem to set a very high price on selling out the community interest. They seem more interested in being on the in when “deals” are brokered. The interest they have in being perceived as key to the brokering of deals causes them to opt in on deals which they should reject out of principle. (See: Saturday, June 28, 2008, Selling out the Community for Beans (A Giant Wrong) and Thursday, July 31, 2008, A Proper Relationship with the Host?) ACORN’s eagerness to be in on brokering deals may make it an unreliable ally; it is likely to be the first to break ranks to embrace questionable deals. (See: Friday, July 18, 2008, National ACORN's (episode of) scandal, and NY ACORN's dubious Brooklyn stadium deal (in 2000).)

Latest News On ACORN: Hidden Undisclosed Major Conflict of Interest

There is recent major news about why ACORN may be an unreliable defender of a community’s interest. It is possible for ACORN to have very significant conflicts of interest that go undisclosed. The story crops up in the context of Brooklyn’s proposed Atlantic Yards megadevelopment. In theory, ACORN, which signed a so-called Community Benefits Agreement (CBA), is supposed to be enforcing that agreement for the benefit of the community. In actuality, that isn’t possible because, as discussed in the articles last linked to above, ACORN didn’t properly represent the community and didn’t negotiate any true benefit for it. It now turns out that months ago ACORN further impaired its ability to act on behalf of the community by taking an undisclosed “grant and (low-interest) loan worth $1.5 million” from developer Forest City Ratner, the very same party against whom it is supposed to be enforcing the CBA for the community’s interest. For more on this major unfolding story see: With $1.5M grant/loan, FCR bails out national ACORN, parent of major CBA partner, Tuesday, December 02, 2008.

Hiram Monserrat: What Could He Have Been Thinking When He Sold Out?

The City Council vote followed the tradition of the Council voting in accordance with the vote of the City Councilman from the area in question. It was therefore key when Councilman Hiram Monserrat switched from opposition to support for the plan and its use of eminent domain. (It resulted in a 42-to-2 vote to approve the plan, with one abstention.) Monserrat led the switch-over based on the provision of the additional 15% units. The 15% additional units will probably be subsidized so it can be asserted that by negotiating for them Councilman Hiram Monserrat has brought extra subsidy into his district (and away from others). Still, had residential units been built instead over the parking lots next to the stadium or over the train yards, this additional benefit, such as it is, could have been directed there.

We should note that the commendable no votes against the plan were those of Tony Avella (D-Bayside) and Charles Barron (D-Brooklyn).

Councilman Monserrat was in the minority of city council members who recently voted to oppose an extension of term limits for the Mayor and the City Council. That principled vote on term limits was a courageous one because it was clear that council members in the minority were expected to pay a price for their opposition. Bloomberg and Quinn were using strong-arm tactics to get the third term the Mayor was pursuing. Council members voting against were expecting to lose committee chairmanship appointments and funding for their area as a result. It is interesting to reflect whether Councilman Monserrat was expecting to recoup from the Mayor and Quinn what he sacrificed in his principled term limits vote via his subsequent, we would say, unprincipled vote in favor of the administration’s Willets Point plan. It is fascinating to wonder whether in this indirect way the term limits fight helped advance the Willets Point plan.



Willets Point Community Riled by Monserrat

The resident business owners of Willets Point were riled enough by Montserrat’s vote abandoning principle so that they painted over his name on the campaign bus. (Mayor, Monserrate Reach Agreement Over Willets Point, by: NY1 News, 11/13/2008)

The Wilets Point owners may have felt entitled to support since they did repair work on the bus in expectation that there would be coordination involving the use of the vehicle for activist opposition purposes. One of them was arrested in connection with the incident afterward. (See: Olaya held by police after removing Monserrate’s name from truck, by Stephen Stirling, November 24, 2008)

Political Kabuki Dance “Forgetting” After Doing the Mayor’s Bidding

Ironically, right after the Wednesday 11/13 Willets Point vote giving the Bloomberg administration exactly what it wanted, Christine Quinn and the City Council made a big show of standing up to the mayor on some budget-cutting matters with a Thursday 11/14 press conference. It had New York Times writing about Speaker Quinn’s “harsh language that she seldom uses about Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg” and wondering at the outset of the article:

The unusually sharp criticism of the mayor by Ms. Quinn drew attention at City Hall. And it left some members of the Council and other city officials wondering: Was Ms. Quinn simply speaking out about issues she feels strongly about? Or was she trying to shore up her support among council members in the aftermath of the bitter term limits battle?

(See: Quinn Vehemently Denounces Bloomberg’s Plans, by David W. Chen and Fernanda Santos, November 14, 2008.)

For Noticing New York’s own musings about the Christine Quinn’s choreographing of political Kabuki dance to induce forgetfulness about the way she has been joined at the hip with the mayor and pushed the mayor’s desired term limit package, see the “Political Kabuki Dance to Induce Forgetting” headed section in Remembering; Not Forgetting in Chinatown, Tuesday, November 4, 2008.

Knowing What Really May Be Right

A new 75-acre neighborhood, 80% the size of Battery Park City, is an overwhelming undertaking. To assess the merit of what is proposed involves absorbing a huge amount of information. It would be presumptuous to say that Noticing New York is exactly right about all the conclusions we are tending toward here.

Cues From the Community - Communities?

Normally we would defer heavily to the community. There has reportedly been some community involvement in preparing the Willets Point redevelopment plan. We have not spent much time assessing the quality of that community input, but it seems to have come primarily from the residents of Downtown Flushing who recognize that the Willets Point is isolated from it as a separate neighborhood. The community input which is being acted upon is not coming from the businesses of Willets Point as represented by the Willets Point Industry and Realty Association.

For description about the “community involvement” that is being recognized by the city you can go to Downtownflushing.com. The results of what community involvement there has been is, according to the city EDC Downtownflushing.com documents, the work of the “Downtown Flushing Task Force . . .comprised of various city and state technical agencies, Flushing developers and business owners, Queens Community Board #7, and local elected officials” and community outreach the highlight of which was “was a two-day public workshop, held on February 20-21, 2003." That produced a report that said that devolvement goals with respect to Willets Point included improving the visual experience of Willets Point:

Achieving the redevelopment goals for the Flushing River waterfront and Downtown Flushing requires improving the visual experience of Willets Point, . . .

Yes, it also included other standard catch phrases like upgrading “environmental quality” and expanding its role “as an economic driver in the area” but Downtown Flushing’s desire to improve the “visual experience” of a separate neighborhood their view of which is mostly obscured by the elevated highways has to make one think. Should we suspect that there is a certain amount of NIMBYism, given that we are dealing with scrap metal and car part recycling “junkyard” businesses?


Sense of What We Might Get

No doubt the idea of a pristine new neighborhood descending full blown from the sky presents a pretty picture just like in the renderings. Like Brasília, the place would come out of the mind of planners and by virtue of significant public expenditure and intervention. Though the new neighborhood would be 80% the size of Battery Park City, the renderings available are few, perhaps fewer than are sometimes done for a developer’s single new signature building. We have to note though that those drawings that have been rendered with any precision do a good job of making even surrounding elevated highways look like an attractive part of the environment. Will it be WYSIWYG, (“What you see is what you get”)? Also consider what one would hear and breath. Like ourselves, the Municipal Art Society worries that the experience of the highways with their associated noise pollution and emissions and will be a problem for residential residents.


Direction of Resources in Willets Point When the Future Comes

It is not justifiable comfort to say, if the Willets Point businesses are eventually removed from Willets Point, that we then would prefer to see public resources poured into the reconstruction of the Willets Point area rather than into a much more destructive project like Atlantic Yards. Atlantic Yards, is after all a project that will be massively destructive not only in its demolition phase but also in all its construction phases as well.

Our more serious concern is that rather than pouring resources into a Willets Point rebuilding, we will subside into limbo. Just because projects are approved or demolition begun does not mean that projects proceed. Not far away, another project involving the former Flushing Airport was undertaken and abandoned by the Bloomberg administration. This was 2004 so it was quite recent in terms of megadevelopment time scales (See: Abandonment of the plan to develop the old Flushing Airport; City Defers Development of Wholesale Center, by Winnie Hu and Colin Moynihan, October 17, 2004) Though demolition was begun, facts change, opposition and environmental concerns were weighed differently; the Bloomberg administration has now indefinitely postponed and has no other plans for the redevelopment of 26-acre site of the former Flushing Airport.

The Willets Point businesses are preparing to defend themselves legally, but it is quite possible they will only seek a better relocation deal. (See: Tenant businesses lawyer up, make game plan, by Stephen Stirling, November 19, 2008) With lack of support and weakened by the city’s divide-and-conquer tactics, it is possible the current community of businesses will largely cease to exist and that no redevelopment efforts will thereafter replace what is missing. It might be that we do not build on the existing parking lots because we love their prairie expanse more than environmentally recycling junkyards, and in the end, with the junkyards torn down, get an even greater expanse of parking lots.

False Steps; Eminent Domain

Whatever the merits of the project which we might find debatable, we are certain that it was a false step to abandon principled opposition to the use of the use eminent domain that is going to force these private-ownership to private-ownership transfers. When eminent domain is used people are desensitized to the actual economic trade-offs in decisions being made. One is left instead wading through, as stand-ins, the suspiciously boosterish figures of an administration that constantly errs on the side of promoting big-developer interests. Nothing sharpens the mind like the avoidance of eminent domain, sharpening focus on the realistic superiority of alternatives. Given the way things work, avoidance of eminent domain therefore winds up being abandoned as a principle not by hard-nosed realists but by fantasists.

In the case of Willets Point, opposition to eminent domain was abandoned by the City Council (and ACORN) with no countervailing principle in mind and for the very small price of a few residential units (15%) for some a families with higher-than-average incomes. At the same time the City Council and ACORN may not even get what they think they were bargaining for because they inadequately questioned the realism of the Bloomberg administration’s plans.

There is a similarly disconcerting fantastical aspect to the city’s embrace of single big-developer megadevelopment. The city abdicates public responsibility for vast acreage in the unrealistic hope that private developers will, over the course of decades, exercise monopolistic control to serve the public interest more reliably than an accountable government.



The Fruit of the Future

After seven years the Bloomberg administration has not yet been in office long enough for its most grandly conceived, huge-scale real estate megadeal mistakes to come to fruition. Some mistakes like the Jets Stadium on the West Side of Manhattan were intercepted early enough. There is a chance, of course, that Willets Point will overcome all the obvious challenges and turn out better than should reasonably be expected. If the project proceeds, we will certainly hope for the best. Nevertheless, wishing won’t ever make it so.

Willets Point could one day provide one more unpalatable taste of the multiple failures that the Bloomberg administration, if it continues in office, will be ushering in. We strongly suspect that we could find ourselves looking back, with after-the-fact regret, to bemoan the mistake of crushing of a community of jobs and scrap metal and car part businesses that had not outlived their usefulness . . . crushed before their time and before we really knew what would be worthwhile and viable replacements.